Another tragic war is unfolding in the Middle East — this time between Israel and Iran. Images of bombed buildings, burning infrastructure and grieving families are once again filling TV screens. Civilians are paying the highest price. Lives are lost. Homes destroyed. Futures shattered. Survivors are left not only with physical wounds but with deep psychological scars that may never heal. War is evil. It must be resisted, restrained and ultimately abolished. As the violence escalates, the world must ask: Who is responsible for stopping this conflict? Who has the power to bring it to an end?

Let us begin with the leaders directly involved in the conflict. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel and Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei of Iran are at the center of this war. Both are national decision-makers. Netanyahu has long been vocal about the threat posed by Iran‘s nuclear ambitions. Israel has maintained that it will not allow Iran to acquire nuclear weapons, viewing it as an existential threat. But even if Israel had legitimate concerns about Iran’s nuclear facilities, war should have been the absolute last resort. Instead of waiting for negotiations between Washington and Tehran to conclude, Israel acted unilaterally. It preemptively struck Iranian military and nuclear-related targets, throwing the region into chaos. That was reckless, undermining international efforts to resolve the issue through diplomacy.

For its part, Iran has done little to reassure the global community. For years, it has operated in the gray zone — insisting its nuclear program is peaceful while resisting complete transparency. The international community, including the United Nations and the International Atomic Energy Agency, has repeatedly called on Iran to clarify its nuclear activities. Had Iran cooperated more openly and consistently with global inspectors and adhered more fully to non-proliferation norms, Israel would have had a much harder time justifying any military strike. Iran‘s opaque behavior is one of the elements that ignited the current crisis.

The people of both nations are victims of this war, and they must not remain passive. They must demand accountability from their leaders. In Israel, many suspect that Netanyahu’s decision to go to war is partially motivated by personal calculations. Facing corruption charges and deep internal division, he may have seen conflict as a way to protract his power.

The government’s rigid posture in Iran has led the country into a perilous position. Iran should have presented a more flexible posture so that people around the world would believe Iran will cooperate with the principle of non-proliferation. Surprisingly, Iran did not prepare for the possible attack by Israel, and its military facilities were left vulnerable. Such strategic missteps only deepen the suffering of the Iranian people and leave them less safe than before.

Still, despite all of this, the most significant responsibility for restoring order does not rest solely with Netanyahu or Khamenei. It rests with the president of the United States. Why does Donald Trump bear such a heavy burden at this moment? Because the US is the global hegemon. Since the end of the Cold War in 1991, American power has shaped, led, and underwritten the international order. The US has not only projected military and economic influence across the world but has also presented itself as the custodian of global rules: no unilateral invasions, no unchecked proliferation and no war without accountability. These are not just American interests — they are global public goods. Individual nations have recognized the leadership of the US and enjoyed a relatively stable world.

With hegemonic power comes hegemonic duty. The consequences ripple if the world‘s leading power is indifferent or absent in a crisis. History has shown us that when the hegemon withdraws, others fill the vacuum — often not with peace but force. We’ve seen this pattern in 2022 when Russia invaded Ukraine. Despite warnings and sanctions, the US and its allies failed to deter it in time. In Gaza, Israel launched devastating military operations against Hamas. And now, in 2025, the US once again finds itself watching from the sidelines as one of its closest allies, Israel, launches a risky war that could engulf the entire Middle East.

This latest war has erupted under President Trump’s leadership. And yet, Washington has mainly remained vague, if not partisan. Trump cut his schedule at the G7 summit in Canada short and returned to the White House to take care of the conflict. He stressed that Iran should give up the nuclear weapons option. His stance looks legitimate, but would cause a strong defiance from Iran because Tehran might think Trump is excessively lopsided toward Israel. Partiality cannot be something great in crisis management. Hegemon should be recognized as a reliable mediator, and that is great. He needs to be sincere in carrying out the fair manager role.

Trump’s “America First” worldview has often translated into an “America Only” policy — uninterested in global stability unless it directly affects US voters. But this war does affect America. If the US fails to intervene as a force for peace, it will lose the credibility it needs to maintain its hegemonic status. And once that status is lost, it is tough to regain. Hegemony does not come cheap. It requires diplomatic engagement, foreign aid and sometimes military commitments. But it also comes with benefits. The US dollar enjoys privileged global status. American companies dominate global markets. US universities attract the world’s geniuses. All of this is made possible by the perception that America is a stable and principled leader. If that perception collapses, so too will much of America‘s geopolitical advantage.

If Trump fails to take appropriate stance, the US will be remembered not as the protector of peace but as a graceless paper tiger. So, Mr. Trump, do something great for yourself, for America and for the world.

Wang Son-taek

Wang Son-taek is an adjunct professor at Sogang University. He is a former diplomatic correspondent at YTN and a former research associate at Yeosijae. The views expressed here are the writer’s own. — Ed.


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