Political tensions are rising in Seoul, as the Constitutional Court will soon announce its decision on whether to fire the current president of South Korea or not.

The court has finished deliberations and is discussing the final judgment. Considering previous cases, the court is seen as likely to make its announcement this week or the next. Around 60 percent of Korean people strongly want to see the president fired, while another 40 percent oppose such a move.

While awaiting the announcement, we should reflect on events that have unfolded over the past several months. There were shining moments that meant victory for democracy, as well as other situations that posed a grave danger to democracy.

The first challenge began to emerge in August, when an opposition party lawmaker claimed that President Yoon Suk Yeol was preparing a martial law declaration. His warning was flatly disregarded as a mere political offensive because practically everybody thought martial law was tantamount to a palace coup and could not happen in a democratized state like South Korea. However, reality betrayed common sense. Yoon declared martial law on Dec. 3, 2024. That night was a loss for democracy in South Korea.

The second moment of challenge came just after the martial law declaration.

Thousands of people came to the parliament that night demanding that martial law be lifted. Though thousands of police blocked the parliament complex, and military troops were also deployed, enough National Assembly members managed to meet inside the building to remove martial law. The situation turned out to be a clear victory for the democracy of Korea.

The third challenge was initiated by the parliament again.

Four days after the night of insurrection, the Democratic Party tried to impeach the president. However, the effort failed due to the ruling People Power Party mostly refusing to take part. The motion was dismissed as it failed to reach a two-thirds quorum. A week later, the parliament opened again to deal with the impeachment motion. This time, there were at least 12 defections from the ruling party, and the motion passed. The tally for democracy is now two wins and one loss.

The fourth challenge came from an unexpected point.

As this political saga developed, there was a serious issue in the Constitutional Court, which should decide whether to uphold or reject the impeachment. The problem is that only six judges were seated in the court, while the standard number is nine.

The parliament recommended three other judges and awaited the confirmation of the president. Those confirmations were transferred to the acting president, Prime Minister Han Duck-soo. However, Han refused the formal confirmations, saying there was no agreement between political parties on the matter. Han invoked the ire of the opposition party, which impeached him, and so the deputy prime minister and minister of economy and finance took over the job.

The new acting president appointed two of the three judges. It seemed to be another victory for democracy, but one judge was left waiting. So, this battle should be recorded as a draw.

The fifth challenge is one of the most critical scenes in this dramatic story: the arrest of a sitting president.

Aside from the impeachment trial, the martial law declaration became a criminal case in the eyes of the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking Officials. The CIO needed to arrest Yoon for its investigation. It tried to do so on Jan. 3, but failed as the president's security blocked the entrance of CIO officers.

In its second try on Jan. 15, the CIO mobilized thousands of police officers while the bodyguards were split. Easily arresting the president, the CIO showed who had the government authority. The record now stands at three wins, one loss and one draw.

The sixth challenge came with violence.

The CIO transferred the case to the prosecutor’s office. The prosecutors requested the issuance of a formal detention warrant, and the Seoul Western District Court issued it.

The problem was that a group of Yoon's supporters were angered by the warrant, leading to a mob attack at the court at night. Hundreds of protesters broke into the court and committed vandalism. Riot police entered and subdued rioters after several hours of chaos.

The disturbance itself showed the vulnerability of democracy. However, it also proved that police can control riot situations under the rule of law. It should be recorded as a draw, so we now stand at three wins, one loss and two draws.

The seventh challenge suddenly came with the release of the president after 52 days of detention on March 8.

Yoon's lawyers claimed that the prosecutor’s office violated rules of the detention process. Surprisingly, a judge agreed. The prosecutor’s office could have appealed, but chose not to. Considering previous practices, the release and lack of appeal were unprecedented, and 60 percent of Koreans were embarrassed.

However, there was no violent reaction. While the judgment may have been seen as unacceptable, arguments proceeded under democratic principles. It should be regarded as a draw: three wins, one loss and three draws.

Now, Koreans are facing an eighth challenge with the impending announcement by the Constitutional Court on whether to fire the president or not. This will likely mobilize the biggest reactions, however it concludes.

If the court accepts the impeachment, Yoon's supporters will likely fiercely resist in any form. If the court dismisses the president's impeachment and reinstates his power, 60 percent of the Korean people will be disappointed. Both cases could result in violence.

However, the level of defiance will be controllable and society will restore order in a relatively short period of time because democracy in Korea is strong. Koreans basically follow and maintain rules and regulations, and Korean police are well regarded for handling massive demonstrations.

The record above shows that democracy in Korea remains undefeated since the night of insurrection, despite a couple of hiccups and three draws across seven contests.

Wang Son-taek

Wang Son-taek is an adjunct professor at Sogang University. He is a former diplomatic correspondent at YTN and a former research associate at Yeosijae. The views expressed here are the writer’s own. -- Ed.