With Seoul unwavering in its calls for an apology for wartime atrocities, Tokyo appears to be seeking ways to sidestep rising criticism over its revisionist push, boosting lobbying in Washington and other trilateral partnerships to shore up the U.S. strategic refocus to Asia.
As the historical and territorial tension drags out between South Korea and Japan, concerns have risen that their strain may derail hard-won trilateral security cooperation involving the U.S.
The Stimson Center, a Washington think tank, suggested the U.S.-Japan-Australia partnership as a possible best case of U.S.-led “mini-lateralism” in a new report, rather than the one with Tokyo and Seoul, Washington’s top two regional allies.
“No one expected then that in less than a decade, this relationship would grow to be the most-developed cooperative relationship Washington has in the Asia-Pacific region, with a broader and more robust agenda than any other trilateral relationship,” the report said.
“Security relations between Japan and Australia have steadily developed since the end of the Cold War. ... Today, Japan and Australia are growing to be each nation’s most important security partner following the U.S.,” it added, citing a series of bilateral and multilateral pacts and other “institutionalized” consultation channels.
In contrast, the U.S.-Japan-South Korea framework has “a long way to go,” though they belatedly clinched a memorandum of understanding in December to share intelligence on North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs.
“In the case of the U.S.-Japan-ROK trilateral, for instance, political tensions between Tokyo and Seoul have historically prevented the two non-U.S. actors from forging close security cooperation, which in turn has prevented the trilateral relationship from optimizing its potential,” it added.
Aside from the fact that it was edited by a Japanese expert, the argument triggered criticism that it undermined the fundamental difference in geostrategic significance between South Korea ― home to 28,500 American troops working in tandem with the 600,000-strong homegrown army ― and Australia ― which will see the rotational presence of U.S. marines increase up to 2,500 by 2017 and has a military of some 30,000 forces.
Yet the paper was seen to more reflect Tokyo’s efforts to prop up the U.S.’ rebalancing policy through its greater military role, increased military spending and other support.
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s such drive for a “normal state” rekindled worries around the peninsula that it may make way for a return of the Japanese militarism of the early 20th century.
Adding to the concerns is Abe’s ongoing attempts to undercut the country’s imperial past and previous apologies for wartime atrocities on the international stage.
For Washington, however, Abe in many ways sates his needs, given economic woes and budget constraints, with U.S. President Barack Obama gearing up to bolster his foreign policy legacy in the final chapter of his term.
Meanwhile, powered by Japan’s formidable lobbying, “history fatigue” is spreading in the government and academic circles in Washington that South Korea’s lopsided focus on the past and lack of pragmatism is obscuring critical trilateral collaboration, diplomatic sources say.
Seoul, for its part, has apparently softened its stance in favor of a two-track approach under which it would sternly respond to Tokyo’s historical and territorial provocations while maintaining cooperation on North Korea, the economy and other areas of mutual interests.
Calls are growing at home and abroad for Abe to atone for the Japanese military’s sexual slavery involving Korean and other women when he gives a speech later this month at an Asia-Africa summit in Indonesia and the joint session of U.S. Congress in Washington, as well as in August to mark the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II. Yet the prospect remains dim for any about-face in his historical view, and for the possibility of a full-blown thaw between the two old foes.
“Japan, which has long regarded Korea a partner with which to share common interests and universal values, could feel somewhat left behind as China becomes one of our top diplomatic priorities,” a Seoul official said, requesting anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter.
“As Korea remains steadfast on the historical issues, Japan may think that it will only be able to move us forward through the U.S., and pursuing trilateral partnerships respectively with Australia and India of course serves its own interests but caters greatly to the U.S. rebalancing policy ... . While keeping up pressure on Japan, we’re continuing to speak to the U.S. on the significance of history in future cooperation.”
