It seems that almost all relevant government agencies and law-enforcement authorities are being mobilized to tackle corruption in defense acquisition programs.

The Board of Audit and Inspection has launched an extensive examination of the research and development programs for the nation’s weapons systems, targeting the Defense Acquisition Program Administration, Defense Ministry and the Agency for Defense Development, among others.

The ruling party is going to form a task force to, in the words of its floor leader, “eradicate corruption in the defense industry” and find out what the parliament can do.

There is nothing wrong with government offices and political parties working in unison to tackle an issue as important as this. Rather, it should be encouraged.

What’s lamentable is that this hurry-scurry is taking place after President Park Geun-hye called corruption in the defense industry “actions benefiting the enemy” in her annual budget address last week.

Park had no choice but to bring up the issue, as a barrage of corruption allegations involving military acquisition programs ― ranging from those for bullet-proof vests and rifles to submarines and vessels ― had battered her administration in the recent parliamentary audit.

What’s more lamentable is that she made exactly the same point in her budget address last year. Touching on the corruption in the defense industry and the nuclear power generation sector, Park said she would “eradicate structural and deep-rooted irregularities in all fields of society.”

What we saw exactly one year later was that at least 47 corruption allegations involving defense acquisition had been raised by lawmakers during the parliamentary audit. Many of these cases are already being probed by law-enforcement authorities, with some people having been indicted.

A case in point is a retired Navy lieutenant colonel who allegedly received 610 million won from a defense firm through a check card and bank accounts opened under the names of his relatives. He took the bribes in return for fabricating assessment papers on parts supplied to Navy vessels while he was working for the DAPA.

Not surprisingly, the man worked closely with a retired Navy colonel, who was serving as a senior executive of the defense contractor. This is a typical case of collusion between officers in the service and a former colleague in the private sector.

There must be more such cases, since 243 colonels and higher-ranked military officers landed jobs at private companies after retirement in the past five years. Of them, 95 went to defense contractors within two years of retirement. We can imagine why the DAPA is dragging its feet on expanding its civilian staff, which still makes up less than 50 percent of its personnel.

There are many things to fight corruption in the defense industry, but the foremost and most urgent one is overhauling the DAPA, which was created to ensure transparency and efficiency in defense acquisition programs but which has become a breeding ground for corruption.